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By John Krige

In 1945, the us used to be not just the most powerful monetary and army strength on this planet; it was once additionally the world's chief in technology and expertise. In American Hegemony and the Postwar Reconstruction of technological know-how in Europe, John Krige describes the efforts of influential figures within the usa to version postwar clinical practices and associations in Western Europe on these in the United States. They mobilized political and fiscal aid to advertise not only America's clinical and technological agendas in Western Europe yet its chilly battle political and ideological agendas as well.Drawing at the paintings of diplomatic and cultural historians, Krige argues that this try out at medical dominance by way of the usa might be visible as a sort of "consensual hegemony," regarding the collaboration of influential neighborhood elites who shared American values. He makes use of this suggestion to research a chain of case experiences that describe how the united states management, senior officials within the Rockefeller and Ford Foundations, the NATO technological know-how Committee, and influential participants of the clinical establishment--notably Isidor I. Rabi of Columbia college and Vannevar Bush of MIT--tried to Americanize medical practices in such fields as physics, molecular biology, and operations study. He information U.S. aid for associations together with CERN, the Niels Bohr Institute, the French CNRS and its laboratories at Gif close to Paris, and the never-established "European MIT." Krige's research indicates how consensual hegemony in technology not just served the pursuits of postwar eu reconstruction yet turned differently of retaining American management and "making the area secure for democracy."

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Extra info for American Hegemony and the Postwar Reconstruction of Science in Europe (Transformations: Studies in the History of Science and Technology)

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Second, there was a need for the denazification and democratization of the population to ensure that no demagogue could ever again drag his people into armed conflict. The challenge was to build an economy that allowed for a decent standard of living for the population without encouraging nostalgia for German economic and military domination. If industrial demilitarization went too far, notably in dual-use industries like steel, it could cripple the peacetime German economy, and (American) taxpayers’ money would be needed to stop the country’s sliding into economic misery and political chaos.

They “were losing ground at kilometres per second, and perhaps without any hope of ever catching up. 98 This impression was reinforced when Amaldi visited the United States in 1946. People in Berkeley were putting the finishing touches on their 184-inch synchro-cyclotron and were speaking of reaching 1 BeV in the near future. Crippled by lack of funds (and of industrial capacity) and hopelessly outstripped by the Americans, the Rome group decided temporarily to abandon plans for an accelerator and to concentrate their efforts on cosmic ray physics research, which was far cheaper and still of considerable scientific interest.

Amaldi immediately applied officially for $580,000 to buy the necessary equipment to build a Kerst-type 300 MeV betatron at the university’s physics institute. It was rejected without ado by the ECA authorities on 17 November 1950. ”82 We have no detailed information about the situation in France, but it seems unlikely that administrators there sought Marshall Plan funds to support science. 83 Frédéric Joliot-Curie, nuclear physicist, Nobel Prize winner, and newly appointed high commissioner for atomic energy, was one of the consulting experts.

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