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Farmer, Colonial Labour Policy, p. 278. 29. Sandhu, Indians in Malaya, p. 186. 30. See also Chapter 3. 31. Bauer, Rubber Industry, p. 13. 32. See K. L. Gillion, Fiji's Indian Migrants: A History to the End of Indenture in 1920 (Melbourne: Oxford University Press and Australian National University Press, 1962), pp. 138-41. The conversion from a plantation to a small-farmer leasehold system of production in Fiji seems to have been a direct response to the difficulties of obtaining and controlling North Indian labour.

8. On conditions in South India, see Dharma Kumar, Land and Caste in South India: Agricultural Labour in Madras Presidency in the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge: University Press, 1965). See also Sandhu, Indians in Malaya, p. 57. 9. Sandhu, Indians in Malaya, p. 57. 10. L. Ainsworth, The Confessions of a Planter in Malaya: A chronicle of Life and Adventure in the Jungle (London: H. F. and G. Witherby, 1933), pp. 55-56. 11. See G. L. Beckford, Persistent Poverty: Underdevelopment in Plantation Economies of the Third World (New York: Oxford University Press, 1972), pp.

The interrelated effect of the separate migration of members of distinct linguistic, regional and religious and caste groups from the Indian subcontinent and their separate location in the highly compartmentalized colonial economy was to maintain and in some respects to strengthen the divisions within the subcontinent itself. Contact between groups such as the Chettiars, Tamil labourers and Punjabi policemen was limited indeed. In the rural areas, interIndian contacts were almost invariably confined to formal contact within the colonial authority structure.

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