By George Ginsburgs, Michael Mathos
The signing in Peking on may well 27, 1951, of the 17-point contract on Measures for the peaceable Liberation of Tibet marked the top of Tibet's most modern forty-year interlude of de facto independence and formalized an association which, even if in a few respects differing from the sooner courting among China and Tibet, in precept yet reimposed the former's conventional suzerainty over the latter. given that then, the path and trend of relatives among the significant executive and the so-called neighborhood govt of Tibet have gone through a chain of drastic reappraisals and readjustments, culmi nating within the uprising of 1959 and the flight of the Dalai Lama to India. those occasions, including the new degeneration of the Sino-Indian border dispute right into a full-fledged army war of words, have served to dramatize the significance of Tibet from the perspective of world technique and global international relations. lengthy sooner than that, even though, certainly ever considering Tibet's profession through the chinese language crimson armies and the region's potent submission to Peking's authority, the Tibetan query had already assumed the prestige of an important political challenge and that for various stable purposes, inner in addition to overseas. From the vantage-point of household politics, the Tibetan factor used to be from the very begin, and nonetheless is now, of top importance on no less than 3 counts.
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Additional info for Communist China and Tibet: The First Dozen Years
The political organization of the Tibetan community amounted, then, to a feudal system, in the classical generic sense of that word,2 H. Harrer, op. , pp. 222-223. Cf. P. Carrasco, op. , p. 208, who classifies Tibet as either a simple form or a semicomplex type of community under Witt fogel's theory of Oriental or Hydraulic society. as such, it displayed all the strengths and weaknesses typical of that societal model. Its gravest shortcoming, characteristic of feudal systems, lay in the lack of a well-defined institutionalized framework and the informality and uncertainty of functional hierarchical gradations within the State structure, both caused by the fundamentally personal quality of status and rank in the fabric of Tibetan social relations.
Likewise, H. E. Richardson. A Short History of Tibet (New York, 1962). p. 22: "Although the district officials were under the general supervision of the Provincial Governor they were directly responsible to the Council. " 30 BACKGROUND DEVELOPMENTS AND POLITICAL SETTING services, etc. Others were allocated to the private sustenance of high feudal lords, some of them ancient royalty and princelings in their own right. A third group of livestock raising districts was in fact ruled by special emissaries (each of them assisted by four advisors),vested with almost unlimited powers in the management of vast territories inhabited by nomadic tribes.
BACKGROUND DEVELOPMENTS AND POLITICAL SETTING 25 where they shared power with the lay nobility and of recruitment, training and upkeep of the whole clerical staff of the ecclesiastical court, including the special academy for the preparation of candidates for the clerical arm of the civil service. The latter was an unique and important feature of the Tibetan system and was the logical result of the concept of equal distribution of governmental functions between the Church and the lay nobility at every level of authority.